On December 15, 1762, Joseph Brown produced three witnesses to the verbal agreement before the Loudoun County Court. The court determined that the depositions of the witnesses were sufficient to establish the gift. Thomas Brown was granted the right of appeal to the General Court.
]]>Joseph Brown's appeal of the Loudoun County, Virginia, court's decision denying the validity of a verbal gift of two slaves from his father Thomas. Virginia General Court orders a new contestation of the case. Order signed by Benjamin Waller as clerk of the court.
On December 15, 1762, Joseph Brown produced three witnesses to the verbal agreement before the Loudoun County Court. The court determined that the depositions of the witnesses were sufficient to establish the gift. Thomas Brown was granted the right of appeal to the General Court.
Virginia sct.
At a General Court held at the Capitol
the 25th day of April 1761
Joseph Brown having appealed from an Opinion
of the Court of Loudoun County given the eleventh day
of June 1760 That the Witnesses to prove and establish
a verbal Gift of two slaves Charles and Pat supposed
to be made by his Father Thomas Brown to the said
Joseph were not sufficient to establish the same
This day came the Parties by their Attornies who
being fully heard It is Ordered that the cause be sent
back to the said County Court for a new Contestation
to be had therein That the Depositions of the
Witnesses to be produced in the said County Court by
either party be taken and reduced into Writing and
made part of the Record to be transmitted hither in
case either of the Parties shall appeal from the
Judgment of the said Court to be given on such new
Contestation and that the Costs of this Appeal go
against the party who shall be finally cast in this
Cause
Ben Waller
Brown
vs.
Brown
Copy
Order
I Benjamin Butterworth Jr. of Campbell County being
possest of a Negroe girl Named Sall Black aged
Nine Years & Six Months do for myself & my Heirs,
Release unto the Said Sall Black all Claim or proten
tion of Claim whatsoever or to any Property She may
acquire after arriving to the Age of Eighteen Years
which will Happen in the Ninth Month. One thou-
=sand Seven Hundred & Ninety-nine In witness
whereof I have Hereunto Set my Hand & Seal this
31st. day of the 3rd Month 1791
Benj. Butterworth
Signd Seal'd &
Delivered in presence of
M. Davis afd
Wm Davis afd.
Christr Johnson
Butterworth
to 1 Emanc
Black
Recorded
236
Exd
Benja Butterworth Jr
To
Sall Black
Deed of
Emancipation
At A Court Held for Campbell County Septermber 6th
1792. The within Manumission was proved by the
solemn Affirmation of Micajah Davis & William
Davis and Ordered to be Recorded
Teste
R. Alexander Cl Cour
I Josiah West Cathon of the County of Southampton
Virginia being fully persuaded that freedom is the
natural right of all Mankind; and that it is my duty
to do unto others as I would desire to be done by, in the
like situation, and having under my care three Negroes
whome I have heretofore held as Slaves, of the following
names and Ages (vizt.) Will about forty five years
Selah about Twenty and Pleasant about Eighteen
years. I hereby Emancipate and set free all and
every the above named Slaves; And do for my self my
heirs Executors and Administrators relinquish all
my right Title Interest and claim or pretension
of claim whatsoever either to their Persons or any
estate they may hereafter Acquire.
And having also two now in their minority (vizt)
Phereby fifteen Pat Eleven Years, each of which I also
hereby Emancipate and set free; yet I believe it right for
me to act as Guardian over them untill they arrive to
the age of Eighteen Years; And I do for my self my heirs
Executors and Administrators relinquish all my right
Title Interest and claim or pretensions of claim whatso
=ever either to their persons or any estate they may Ac
=quire after they shall attain to the ages aboves'd, which will
be at the following times; Phereby 1st 8th Month 1796 Pat
1st of 2nd Month 1799. All the abovesaid Negroes and their
Posterity to enjoy their full freedom without any interrup
=tion from me or any person claiming for by or under
me In Witness whereof I have hereunto set my Hand
and Seal this 2nd day of February 1793
Josiah W. Cathon Seal
Signed sealed and Delivered
in presance
of
Jesse Vick
Lemuel Eley John Rawls
17
Josiah West Cathon's eman
cipation of sundry slaves
Septbr. 1793.
Recorded
Page 13
At a Court held for the County of S.ton the 12 day of Septr. 1793 held for the This
Manumission This deed for the emancipation of the within named
nam'd Sundry Slaves [crossed out, illegible] proved by the solemn affirmation of Lemuel Eley & John Rawls
being people call'd Quakers, & Ordered to be recorded.
S Kello
This Deed made this 21st day of Novr Anno Domini 1809 between James Lyon of the County of
Northampton & State of Virga. of the one part, and John Eyre, Guardian of William Eyre, of the County
& state aforesaid of the other, Witnesseth that the said James Lyon in order to secure the payment
of the sum of Seventeen Hundred Dollars to him in hand paid by the said John Eyre before the seal
-ing & Delivery of these presents (the receipt whereof is hereby acknowledged) hath granted bargain
-ed & sold, and by these presents doth grant bargain & sell unto the said John Eyre Guardian of Willi
-am Eyre the following slaves, viz, four negroe men, named, Johnston, George, Able Booker,
& Jacob – a Boy named Severn – a Girl named Nelly – Tamar, & her four children viz.
Gilbert, Sarah, Nelson & Patience – also another woman named Fanny, & her four children viz.
Rachel, Sylla, Sam & Mary. To have & to hold the aforesaid Negroe slaves, hereby mentioned
to be granted to the said John Eyre, His Heirs & assigns for ever. Upon trust nevertheless, that
if the said James Lyon his Heirs Exrs. Admrs. or Assigns do pay or cause to be paid unto the said
John Eyre, his Heirs or Assigns the aforesaid sum of Seventeen Hundred Dollars on or before the
21st. day of November AD. 1811 together with the lawful interest thereon from the date hereof
then, and in that case, these presents, and all the property hereby granted, & every clause & sen-
tence herein contained shall cease, determine & be utterly void, anything herein contained to
the contrary notwithstanding. But in case the aforesd. James Lyon, his Heirs Exrs. Admrs. and or
Assigns shall fail to pay unto the sd. John Eyre His Heirs or Assigns the aforesd sum of Seven
teen Hundred Dollars & the interest thereon, in the time before specifyed, then the said John
Eyre his Heirs Exrs. or Admrs. are hereby authorized to proceed to make publick sale of
the aforesd. negroe Slaves to the highest bidders, having given ten days previous notice by ad-
vertizing the time & place of holding such Sale. And out of the monies arising from the
Sale of said slaves, the said John Eyre, his Heirs or Assigns are first to pay & satisfy all rea-
sonable charges accruing on their Deed, and such Sale – then the aforesaid Debt & interest,
and lastly to pay to the aforesd. James Lyon or his lawfull Representatives whatever residue
there may be of Monies arising from said Sale.
And the said James Lyon for himself, his heirs Exrs. Admrs. & Assigns doth hereby the
before mentioned Slaves unto the said John Eyre his Heirs Exrs. Admrs. fully warrant & defend
against the claim or claims of all persons whatsoever. In testimony whereof the said
James Lyon hath hereunto set his hand & affixed his seal the day [1 word illegible] before written.
James Lyon Seal
Signed Sealed & Delivered
in presence of
Wm Williams
William Powell
At a Court held for Northampton County the 9th day of December 1811.
This Deed was proved by the Oath of William Williams
a witness thereto, and ordered to be recorded.
Teste
Thos. L. Savage Cl
James Lyon
to Jno. Eyre Guardi-
an of Wm. Eyre
Deed in trust
Know all Men by these presents that I
John Tadlock for the Consider ation of the
Sum of Eighty pounds Virginia Money in
hand paid. I have Bargind and Sold and
in open Market Deliverd unto James Mc
Murtry one Negro Girl Name Dice about
Sixteen years old Sound from any Impediment
as far as I know and I the Said John Tadlock
do worrent and for Ever define the Said Negro
from Me My heirs &c to him his heirs &c
and from any other person or persons Laying
any Just Right title Clame or demand to the
Same Given under My hand and Seal this
first Day of August 1795
the above [illegible]
John Tadlock Seal
Signed sealed
& delivered in
presence of
William Neilson
Samuel [McKerry]
Dr. William Pasteur was a notable figure in Williamsburg. He established his first Williamsburg apothecary shop in 1759. In 1775 he formed a partnership with his Williamsburg competitor, Dr. John Minson Galt. From 1776-1776 Pasteur served as mayor of Williamsburg. Pasteur retired from the Pasteur and Galt Apothecary in 1778. In his will, Pasteur empowered his executors to sell his lands in Goochland and all his personal property except for his slaves. He directed the executors to apply the proceeds of the sale to the payment of his debts, gave specific bequests to particular slaves, and left what did not sell, along with a bequest of 500 Pounds, to his wife Elizabeth.
]]>An appraisal of the personal property and slaves of Dr. William Pasteur in Williamsburg created for the Hustings Court. The appraisal consists largely of household furnishings, textiles and slaves. The sixteen slaves in the appraisal account for over sixty per cent of the value of Dr. Pasteur's Williamsburg estate. Also included in the appraisal are horses, harness and vehicles.
Dr. William Pasteur was a notable figure in Williamsburg. He established his first Williamsburg apothecary shop in 1759. In 1775 he formed a partnership with his Williamsburg competitor, Dr. John Minson Galt. From 1776-1776 Pasteur served as mayor of Williamsburg. Pasteur retired from the Pasteur and Galt Apothecary in 1778. In his will, Pasteur empowered his executors to sell his lands in Goochland and all his personal property except for his slaves. He directed the executors to apply the proceeds of the sale to the payment of his debts, gave specific bequests to particular slaves, and left what did not sell, along with a bequest of 500 Pounds, to his wife Elizabeth.
Appraisement of that part of the negroes and personal Estate of the Late
Doctor Pasteur which is in Williamsburg.
£ | [s] | [p] | £ | [s] | [p] | ||
1 Mahogany Book Case | 9 | 17 Table Silver Spoons | 7 | 10 | |||
1 Ditto Table | 2 | 10 | 1 Doz: Tea Do | 1 | |||
1 Do square Do | 15 | ||||||
1/2 Dozen Walnut Chairs | 1 | 16 | 1 Soop Do 15s. 1 Ladle 16s. | 1 | 5 | ||
1 Dozen Mahogany & | 6 | 5 pr. Candlesticks | |||||
2 Arm Do. | 1 | 10 | 1 Easy Chair | 2 | 10 | ||
1 Card Table | 1 | 10 | 1 Large oval maho. Table | 3 | |||
1 Pembroke Do. | 1 | 10 | 5 Iron Pots 40s. 1 frying Pan | ||||
1 Tea Do. | 1 | 10 | Spit Ladle fork and Irons & | 4 | |||
1 Large Looking Glass | 4 | 5 Pewter Dishes 21 Plates | 1 | 5 | |||
3 Waters | 5 | 2 Skillets 7/6 2 pr Smoothing Irons | 12 | 6 | |||
1 Book Case Glass Doors | 8 | 1 Coffee Mill 5s. 2 Spades & rake 7/6 | 12 | 6 | |||
1 Dressing Drawers | 4 | 1 Chariot & Harness | 25 | ||||
1 Walnut Table | 1 | 1 Single Chain & Do. | 6 | ||||
1 Mahogany Close Press | 3 | 1 Bay Mare (speckled back) | 7 | ||||
8 Walnut Chairs | 2 | Little Bay Mare | 7 | ||||
5 Beds & bolsters | 17 | 1 Cart & Harness | 4 | 10 | |||
11 pr. Sheets | 8 | 5 | |||||
4 Counterpanes | 3 | Negroes | |||||
1 Suit Calico Curtains | 3 | Old Ely | £ 10 | ||||
9 Damas Table Cloths | 2 | 14 | Rachael | 15 | |||
8 Diaper Do. | 2 | Ariana | 20 | ||||
12 Do. Towels | 1 | 16 | Young Eley | 30 | |||
18 Tea Cloths | 2 | 14 | Billey | 30 | |||
5 pair Rose Blankets | 2 | 10 | Harry | 18 | |||
1 Walnut Bedstead | 1 | Lucy | 16 | ||||
5 Pine Do. | 1 | 5 | Jemmy | 14 | |||
1 Walnut Table | 10 | Phill | 12 | ||||
5 Chairs Mahogany | 1 | John | 10 | ||||
1 Do. dressing Glass | 1 | 10 | Fanny | 35 | |||
1 Do. Gilt frame | 1 | Sam | 14 | ||||
1 Walnut Clothes press | 1 | 10 | Nancy | 10 | |||
1 Wilton Carpet | 5 | Dilsey | 7 | 10 | |||
1 Scotch Do. | 5 | Bailey | 40 | ||||
4 1/2 Dozen China Plates | 3 | 7 | 6 | Watts | 30 | 316:10 | |
20 Dishes Sorted | 6 | £ 508: . 6 | |||||
Parcel China Cups & Saucers | 1 | 5 | |||||
4 China Bowles | 1 | 2 | 6 | ||||
3 China Mugs | 10 | ||||||
2 Dozen Wine Glasses | 12 | ||||||
5 Tumblers 3/6 Rum and Castors 3s | 1 | 13 | 6 | ||||
1 doz. Ivory hand knives & forks & Case | 1 | 10 |
We the underwritten pursuant to an order of the court of Hustings for the
City of Williamsburg bearing date the 4th July 1791 being previously sworn
have approved the estate personal and Slaves of the late Doctor William Pasteur
in the said City agreeable to the foregoijng particulars: Given under our hands
this 26th July 1791.
Gabriel Maupin
James Wood
Matt Pearson
Returned into the Court of Hustings for the City of Williamsburg the 6th day of
February 1792 and ordered to be recorded.
Teste
Will: Russell CHC
A Copy.
Teste
Geo: Henley CHC.
The image showing an insurrection on a slave ship was added for Wadstrom's publication. The crew of the ship can be seen firing down onto the slaves from behind a barricado which was a standard defensive barrier erected on slaving vessels.
]]>The slave ship Brooks was originally drawn in 1788 by William Elford for the Plymouth chapter of the Society for Effecting the Abolition of the Slave Trade. It was arguably the most effective image in the British effort to abolish the slave trade. Here it is published as part of Carl Bernhard Wadstrom's An Essay on colonization... Created shortly after passage of the Dolben Act, an act which regulated the number of slaves on British vessels based upon their tonnage, the image shows 482 slaves packed tightly in the hold; that being the maximum allowed according to the new legislation. The accompanying text points out that on her last voyage before the passage of the Dolben Act the Brooks carried 609 slaves from Africa to America. The reader is left to imagine how such a scene would have looked.
The image showing an insurrection on a slave ship was added for Wadstrom's publication. The crew of the ship can be seen firing down onto the slaves from behind a barricado which was a standard defensive barrier erected on slaving vessels.
Deborah Morris was the daughter of wealthy Philadelphian Anthony Morris. A Quaker, she was noted for her piety, individuality and eccentricity.
]]>Printed will of Deborah Morris in which she devised and bequeathed her exensive assets to family and others including her sister, Elizabeth Shoemaker, nieces, Elizabeth Lightfoot, Abigail Griffiths, Phebe Morris, Sarah Buckley, and to her attendant Rachel Baremore. Morris made provisions for funds to be paid to the Pennsylvania Hospital, Philadelphia Dispensary and free negro school in the form of annual annuities from the devised properties. Concerning the annuities to the school Morris wrote: "And before I conclude my will, I feel it necessary to mention that I hope none of my dear relatives will think my donations in favor of the free negro school too large, as it appears to me to be a debt due to the posterity of those whom our predecessors kept in bondage." Owen Jones, senior, Sauel Coates, Jonathan Jones, Anthony Wistar Morris and Samuel Powel Griffiths were named as executors.
Deborah Morris was the daughter of wealthy Philadelphian Anthony Morris. A Quaker, she was noted for her piety, individuality and eccentricity.
BE IT REMEMBERED, That I Deborah Morris, of the city of Philadelphia, spinster, being of
sound disposing mind and memory do make (this sixteenth day of the third month, one thou-
sand seven hundred and ninety-three) this my last will and testament, as follows : revoking hereby
all other wills by me heretofore made.
First, I authorize my executors, herein after named, to pay and discharge all my debts and funeral
expences, as soon after my decease as may be, and to enable them so to do, I hereby impower
my said executors, the survivors or survivor of them, to sell at public or private sale, convey and
assure, all that my tract of land in Nockamixon township, Bucks County, being the remainder of
what I purchased of my nephew, William Shoemaker; all that my undivided moiety of a tract of
land called Callenders Meadows, on the Allegany Mountain, in Bedford County, purchased of
Samuel Wallis, and held jointly by Joseph Potts, and myself, although the deed is in my name ;
all my estate purchased of Alexander Mackey, situated on Dock and Pear-Streets, in the city of
Philadelphia; all that my lot of ground in seventh street, in the said city, now in the tenure of
Vigil Warder, a black man; and also all that my house and lot of ground, on the north side of
High-Street, in the said city, now in the tenure of James Biddle, being in front, eighteen feet, ten
inches, and in depth, an hundred and seventeen feet, from which no priviledge of outlet shall ever
be granted into the Court, but I will and direct, that the house and lot last mentioned shall be
sold, subject to twelve pounds per annum, payable thereout annually for ever to the contributors
to the Pennsylvania Hospital, for the benefit of that institution.
And as this property with the monies in my possession, or due to me at the time of my de-
cease may not be sufficient to discharge my debts, I hereby devise and bequeath to my said execu-
tors, the survivors and survivor of them, and the heirs and assigns of such survivor, all and singu-
lar, other my lands tenements and hereditaments in trust, however, and to and for the following,
and no other purposes, intents, and uses whatever :---That is to say, to receive the rents, issues,
and profits thereof, and after paying taxes and other unavoidable charges, to pay off and discharge
the residue of my debts; also to pay thereout to my sister Elizabeth Shoemaker, during her natu-
ral life, in quarterly payments of twelve pounds ten shillings each, fifty pounds per annum, to
commence from the day of my decease; and to her daughter, Elizabeth Lightfoot, the sum of
fifty pounds per annum, payable from the same time in like manner, during the natural life of
her said mother, and for the term of two years after the decease of her said mother ; also to pay
thereout to my faithful attendant, Rachel Baremore, now living with me, during the term of her
natural life, fifty pounds per annum, in four even quarterly payments, to commence from the day
of my decease; all which payments I direct to be paid in the first place, and out of the estate
I shall leave, and after payment of my debts, and the foresaid annuities, I will and direct that
my said executors, the survivors and survivor of them, the heirs and assigns of such survivor, shall
be, and stand seized of the said estate, until from the rents, issues, and profits thereof, the sum of
six hundred pounds shall be received, which shall be applied for the repairs hereafter mentioned,
and also to discharge all other, the pecuniary or specific legacies, not hereafter particularly other-
ways charged upon any part or parts of my real estate, if the same shall be sufficient, but if not,
then so much as my said executors shall find necessary ; and after the said sum shall have been
so raised, then they shall continue to be and stand seized as aforesaid, until the further sum of
twelve hundred pounds shall have been received therefrom, for the purpose of erecting a dwel-
ling house and wall on the lot of ground herein after devised to my niece Abigail Griffiths, and
her son Samuel Powel Griffiths, which sum, as it is received from time to time, shall be put out
to interest by my executors, on good securities, and the interest again put out for the same pur-
pose, and from and after the time that the said last mentioned sum shall have been raised, then to
and for the use of my devisees herein after-named according to the estates and interests to them
respectively granted.
Item. I devise to my niece Abigail Griffiths, and her son Samuel Powel Griffiths, for and du-
ring the term of the natural life, of the said Abigail Griffiths, all that my late grand-father's
mansion house, at the corner of Front-Street and Morris's Alley, to have, and to hold the same,
for and during the term of her natural life, and from and after her decease, then I devise and
bequeath the same to her son Samuel Powel Griffiths, for the term of ninety-nine years, if he
shall so long live, subject to the payment of two hundred pounds, to his brother James Griffiths,
in three years after the death of his said mother, or if the said James Griffith, shall not then be
living, then to his children, if any, equally to be divided between them, and from and after the
decease of the said Samuel Powel Griffiths, then to the issue of his body lawfully begotten, to be
equally divided between them, during the residue of the said term of ninety-nine years, and after
the expiration of the said term, or in case the said Samuel Powel Griffiths shall die, leaving no
issue, then I devise the same to Benjamin Wister Morris, and the heirs male of his body, lawfully be-
gotten, subject of the payment of an annuity of twenty-five pounds per annum, payable thereout, an-
nually for ever, to Nicholas Waln, James Bringhurst, Thomas Fisher, Samuel Coates, Henry Drinker,
Samuel Hopkins, Isaac Cathrall, Thomas Scattergood, Samuel Sansom, John Field, Joshua Cresson,
and John Drinker, their heirs and assigns, which annuity I will and direct shall be applied to the relief
and accommodation of the poor in the Alms-house in this city, under the care and direction of Friends :
and for want of such male heir of the body of the said Benjamin Wister Morris, I devise the said man-
sion house and lot of ground to Caspar Wistar Morris, the brother of the said Benjamin Wistar Morris,
and the heirs male of his body lawfully begotten, and for want of such male heir of the body of the said
Caspar Wistar Morris, lawfully begotten, I devise the said mansion house and lot of ground in like man-
ner, to his brother Luke Morris, and the heirs male of his body lawfully begotten, and for want of such
male heir, I devise the same to the said Nicholas Waln, James Bringhurtt, Thomas Fisher, Samuel
Coates, Henry Drinker, Samuel Hopkins, Isaac Cathrall, Thomas Scatterwood, Samuel Sansom, John
Field,
Field, Joshua Cresson, and John Drinker, their heirs and assigns, for the purpose of rebuilding the
said Alms-house, and accommodating the poor thereof, and it is my desire, as it was the desire of my
late dear father, that the mansion house at present erected on the said lot shall stand as long as it may
with safety to the inhabitants, and when it shall become necessary to rebuild it, I hereby authorise and
impower my said nephew, Samuel Powel Griffiths, or the person or persons, who shall at that time be
rightfully seized or possessed thereof by virtue of this will, to call in the said twelve hundred pounds, and
the interest thereof, and erect therewith, a good, but plain three story brick house, keeping as near as
possible to the old foundations, and also a brick wall on the south side of the garden, and when this shall
be done, I direct the following words and figures, viz. A. M. 1686, to be affixed in blue bricks at one
of the gable ends of the house, that being about the time my worthy grand-father built the present
house.
Item. I devise to my sister Elizabeth Shoemaker, for, and during her natural life, all my present
mansion or dwelling-house, and half the garden lot contiguous thereto, with the westermost frame house,
in Farmer's alley; the adjoining tenement now in the tenure of Jacob Fister, and my chair house and
stables, subject to the payment of twenty pound per annum to my niece, Mary Jones, daughter of my
brother James, during the natural life of the said Mary, and also subject to the ground rent of fifty
shillings per annum, now payable thereout : and from and after the decease of the said Elizabeth Shoe-
maker, I devise the same to Sarah Powel Buckley, daughter of my niece, Sarah Buckley, during her
natural life, subject to the payment of the said annuity to Mary Jones ; and also subject to the pay-
ment of twelve pounds per annum to her mother, Sarah Buckley, during the natural life of the said
Sarah Buckley, and from and after the decease of the said Sarah Powel Buckley, then I devise the same
to the lawful issue of the body of the said Sarah Powel Buckley, begotten, who shall be living at the
time of her death, equally to be divided between them as tenants in common, and not as joint tenants,
subject however to the payment of the aforesaid annuities and ground rent, and also subject from the ex-
piration of the said annuities, to an annuity of twelve pounds per annum, payable thereout annually for
ever, to the overseers of the public school, founded by charter, in the town and county of Philadelphia,
in Pennsylvania, for the use of the free negro school, in the city of Philadelphia, under the care of
friends : and if the said Sarah Powel Buckley, shall die without issue, then I devise the fame to my
nephew, Jonathan Jones, the late husband of my beloved niece, Mary Jones, his heirs and assigns sub-
ject to the aforesaid annuities and ground rent.
And, I do hereby declare this devise, and the several successive estates, hereby limited and created to
be upon this express condition, viz. that the owner of the several messuages and lots, in this clause men-
tioned, shall not build nor suffer any building to be erected in the garden spot, on the south end of
my said dwelling-house, nor open, nor permit, or suffer to be opened, if they can in any wise prevent
it, an alley through the court, in which my said dwelling-house is situated; and in case of failing in
performing this condition, I hereby devise all and singular the premises in this clause mentioned and de-
vised to Nicholas Waln, James Bringhurst, Thomas Fisher, Samuel Coates, Henry Drinker, Samuel
Hopkins, Isaac Cathrall, Thomas Scattergood, Samuel Sansom, John Field, Joshua Cresson, and John
Drinker, their heirs and assigns, for the purpose of repairing or building, or rebuilding the Alms-house,
or a house of employ, for the better accommodating the poor of our society.
Item. I devise to my niece Phebe Morris, during her natural life, all that my next house or old man-
sion, situated in Mulberry Court, with the lot back of it in Farmer's-alley, and both the frame tene-
ments thereon ; being bounded on the east by the lot sold by me to Jonathan Jones, and on the west by
a cartway, left for the use of the said court : also one half of the garden lot, south of my present dwel-
ling-house, bounded on the south by the lot sold by me to Jonathan Jones, in High-street, and eastward
by the lot on which my store room now stands, subject to the payment of thirty pounds per annum, to
my attendant Rachel Baremore, during the term of her natural life, in four equal quarterly payments : and
after the decease of the said Rachel Baremore, then subject to the payment of twelve pounds per annum,
payable thereout annually forever to the overseers of the public school, founded by charter, in the town
and county of Philadelphia, in Pennsylvania, for the use of the negro school under the care of friends,
in the said city : and from and after the decease of the said Phebe Morris, I devise the premises in this
clause mentioned subject to the aforesaid annuities to Elizabeth Mifflin, the daughter of my niece Mar-
tha Mifflin, and from and after the decease of the said Elizabeth Mifflin, to the issue of the said Eliza-
beth Mifflin, lawfully begotten, and if she die, leaving no issue, then I devise the same subject to the
said annuities, to Thomas Mifflin, brother of the said Elizabeth Mifflin, and to Anthony Buckley and
their heirs equally to be divided as tenants in common, and not as joint tenants : and I do declare this
devise and several successive estates hereby limited and created to be subject to the same conditions, as to
building on the garden lot, or opening the alley as area in the last preceding devise expressed.
Item. I devise to Elizabeth Buckley, eldest daughter of my niece Sarah Buckley, during her natural
life, all that house and lot of ground adjoining my last mentioned house, and all the buildings on the
said lot of ground, erected in a straight line northward into the Horse-yard, with all the ways and water
courses thereto belonging, subject to the payment of twenty pounds per annum, to my said niece Sarah
Buckley, during her natural life ; and from and after her decease, subject to the payment of twelve
pounds per annum, payable annually thereout for ever to the overseers of the public school, founded by
charter, in the town and county of Philadelphia, in Pennsylvania, for the use of the free negro school
under the care of friends in the said city ; and from and after the decease of the said Elizabeth Buckley,
I devise the same, subject to the aforesaid annuities, to the lawful issue of her body, equally to be divided
between them, share and share alike as tenants in common, and not as joint tenants ; and if she die,
leaving no issue, then I devise the same, subject to the aforesaid annuities, to her brother Anthony and
sister Sarah, their heirs and assigns equally to be divided between them as tenants in common.
Item. I devise to Hannah Cathrall and Rebecca Jones, and the survivor of them, during their natural
lives, all that my eastermost house and lot of ground in Mulberry-court, now in the tenure of Isaac Zane,
with
with the chair house and stables thereto belonging, and the vacant ground at the east end of the said
dwelling house, together with the privilege of the Horse-yard, and all ways and water courses thereto
belonging : and I hereby will and direct that the said dwelling house be repaired by my executors, at the
cost of my estate ; and that during the lives of the said Hannah Cathrall and Rebecca Jones, and the
life time of the survivor of them, it be kept in good tenantable order, and the taxes thereon be paid out
of my estate : and from and after the decease of the survivor of my said two friends, I devise all and
singular the premises in this clause mentioned to Elizabeth Lightfoot, grand-daughter of my sister Eliza-
beth Shoemaker, her heirs and assigns for ever, subject to the payment of twelve pounds per annum, to
be thereout paid annually for ever to the overseers of the public school as foresaid, for the use of the
negro schools under the care of Friends in this city.
Item. I devise to Jonathan Jones, his heirs and assigns, all that my lot on the north side of High-
street, twenty-two feet in front, and in depth extending to the pallisade fence, south of my present man-
sion ; bounded on the east by a lot he purchased of me under certain restrictions which shall be observed
in this devise : also so far as respects incommoding my other dwellings.
Item. I devise to Rachel Baremore, during her natural life, all that my house and lot of ground in
Sixth-street ; and I hereby will and direct that my executors put the same in good repair, and dig, and
wall a cellar under the kitchen belonging to it, at the expense of my estate ; and this I wish to be done,
and the possession thereof delivered to the said Rachel, as soon as conveniently may be after my decease ;
and after the decease of the said Rachel, I devise the same house and lot of ground to Elizabeth Light-
foot, grand-daughter of my sister Elizabeth Shoemaker, and her heirs and assigns ; the paying thereout
to her mother Elizabeth Lightfoot, during the natural life of her mother, the sum of twenty-five pounds
per annum.
Item. I devise to the aforesaid Rachel Baremore, during her natural life, all my ground rents as fol-
lows, viz. Ground rent in Race-street, paid by Joseph North, ten pounds. Two ground rents in Second-
Street, near Arch-Street, paid by Samuel Sansom, and Thomas Waters, fifty shillings each, five
pounds. One in Front-street, near Arch-street, paid by Benjamin Wynkoop, five pounds twelve
shillings and sixpence : and from and after her decease, I devise the fame to the contributors to the Penn-
sylvania Hospital, for the use of the said institution, which is not however to be deducted from the
debt I owe them.
Item. It is my intent and meaning, and I hereby will and direct that no forfeiture of any estate or
interest herein before devised, by reason of neglect or non-performance of any condition or proviso, shall
annul or defeat any annuity or charge made payable thereout.
And I do hereby also authorise and empower, all those persons, to whom I have devised annuities or
rent charges, their heirs, successors and assigns, as the case may be to enter and distrain from time to time
in case of non-payment thereof.
Item. I will and direct that the devises to my niece Abigail Griffiths, and her son Samuel Powell
Griffiths, and also the devise of the dwelling house in Sixth-street, to Rachel Baremore, shall take effect
immediately after my decease ; and that my executors put them respectively into possession thereof, as
soon as my conveniently be ; but the other devises and the bequests hereafter mentioned shall not take
effect in possession, until by the sale of what is directed to be sold, and the receipt of the rents, issues and
profits, from the remainder of my estate, my executors shall have discharged all my debts, and raised the
beforementioned two separate funds of six hundred pounds, or such larger sum as shall be found necessa-
ry for the purposes of this will, and twelve hundred pounds for the purpose before mentioned.
Item. Being desirous that the Court in which I now dwell, shall be kept open for the health, and
convenience of the inhabitants, I direct that the garden lots herein before mentioned shall be always left
open, and unbuilt on, and that the lot on which my store room lately stood, shall be left open for public
use, as part of the said Court, and to enlarge the way therein.
I give to my sister Elizabeth Shoemaker, my niece Sarah Buckley, and my niece Abigail Griffiths, all
my best wearing apparel, and the rest to Rachel Baremore.
I also give to the said Rachel, all the furniture in the back room, commonly called the dining room ;
the back chambers in the second and third stories, and in the two small rooms in the second and third
story, with six cane chairs, and the easy chair in the front chamber ; the painted field bedstead in the
front garret, bed and bedding, and suit of red and white calico curtains used in the third story : as much
kitchen furniture, pewter, china, and queen's-ware as she thinks necessary for her : also, four diaper ta-
ble cloths, one damask table cloth, six damask napkins marked D. M. 12 in figures, six diaper nap-
kins, marked do. six pair of sheets and pillow cases, with whatever houshould common linen she may
want ; all the provision of every sort, and wood which may be in the house at the time of my
decease, without any account to be taken thereof; one silver porringer and six silver spoons, mark-
ed D. M.
And it is my will, that she be allowed to stay two months in my present mansion, or till my executors
put her into possession of the house before devised to her. And I request my beloved relations, Susanna
Jones, and Sarah Waln, to see that she has all things comfortable and necessary in her house, though
they may not be named here, for she has been faithful to my interest.
I also desire that they will see my little maid Margaret Boyer is well cloathed and returned to her pa-
rents, to whom I give a silver spoon, marked D. M.
And the residue of my furniture and linen, I give to my nieces Elizabeth Lightfoot, and Sarah Buck-
ley, senior, except some small matters which I have marked for some of my friends.
And all the rest of my plate to my executors in trust for the several persons named in a schedule or list,
to be delivered to my executors, which I would not have inserted nor appraised in the inventory of my
estate.
I give to Lydia Robinet, fifty pounds.
To Sarah Blake, and Rachel Attmore, two widows, my tenants, ten pounds each.
To
To Rachel Attmore's daughter, Margaret fifteen pounds.
To my friend, Phineas Buckley, fifty pounds.
To his son Thomas, a silver pint cann, marked E. E. W.
To his daughter, Elizabeth, a silver waiter or salver, with the same mark, they were their uncle and
aunt Williams', and also a small punch strainer.
Item. I give to Sarah Waln, Lydia Wallace's two daughters, Mary and Hannah, Owen Jones,
Susanna Nancarrow, Jonathan Jones, Samuel Coates, Hannah Clifford, and Deborah Buckley, daughter
of Phineas Buckley, each of them, six silver table spoons, to be marked D. M.
Item. I give to the Philadelphia Dispensary, fifteen pounds.
And to each of the children and grand-children of my deceased father, I give one quarto family bible,
a small memorandum of much love.
And before I conclude my will, I feel it necessary to mention that I hope none of my dear relatives
will think my donations in favor of the free negro school too large, as it appears to me to be a debt due
to the posterity of those whom our predecessors kept in bondage.
Lastly, I appoint my trusty friends, Owen Jones, senior, Samuel Coates, my nephew Jonathan Jones,
Anthony Wistar Morris, grand-son of my brother Anthony, and Samuel Powel Griffiths, executors of
this my will, to whom I devise and bequeath all the rest and residue of my real and personal estate not
herein before devised, bequeathed and disposed of.
In witness whereof, I have hereunto subscribed my name, and published and declared this to be
my will, the day and year first above written.
But before executing the same, I authorize my executors, the survivors and survivor of them to make
titles for all such lands as I have agreed to convey.
Written on four sheets of paper, in fourteen pages.
DEBORAH MORRIS.
Signed, published, and declared as the last will and testament of the said Deborah Morris, in the pre-
sense of us who at her request have hereunto subscribed our names. The words and lot of ground in the
fourth page; the words and the heirs male of his body lawfully begotten in the fifth page, and the
words and their heirs in the eighth page were interlined before signing.
CHARLES MOORE.
RICHARD HUMPHREYS.
I give to Hannah Fairlamb, twelve pounds, to my nephew Isaac Morris, twenty-five pounds, and
to Catherine Cerrill, a little girl, two years English schooling, when she attains the age of twenty-one
years, and the sum of ten pounds with interest, from the time of my death, if she behaves well; and I
declare this to be a codical to my will.
WITNESS,
Will of
Deborah Morris
belonging to Elizabeth
Wistar
The broadside was published by Samuel Wood of New York City. Wood was at the address noted in the imprint from 1805-1808. The engravings were created by Alexander Anderson. The text and illustrations in this broadside also appear in The mirror of misery, or, Tyranny exposed first issued by Wood in 1807.
]]>This anti-slavery broadside was written to encourage consumers to refrain from purchasing goods produced by West Indian slaves. It uses examples of abuses presented to Parliament and published in An Abstract of the evidence delivered before a select committee of the House of Commons in the years 1790 & 1791 on the part of the petitioners for the abolition of the slave trade to refute the arguments of pro-slavery apologists who "extol a state of servitude as a happy asylum ..."
The broadside was published by Samuel Wood of New York City. Wood was at the address noted in the imprint from 1805-1808. The engravings were created by Alexander Anderson. The text and illustrations in this broadside also appear in The mirror of misery, or, Tyranny exposed first issued by Wood in 1807.
INJURED HUMANITY ;
BEING
A Representation of what the unhappy Children of Africa endure from those who call themselves CHRISTIANS.
The respectable and increasing numbers of those,
who, from motives of humanity, have concurred in
rejecting the produce of West-India slavery, cannot
but afford a subject of the sincerest joy to every
friend of mankind. Even those who, from motives
of interest, still favour or engage in the trade, have
been obliged to be silent upon the injustice of first
procuring the Negroes, and have not had the hardi-
ness to excuse or palliate the horrors of the middle
passage: but still they assert, that the treatment the
slaves meet with in the West-Indies amply counter-
balances their previous sufferings; nay, they have not
scrupled to extol a state of servitude as a happy asy-
lum from African despotism, and calmly maintain,
that the condition of the labouring poor in England
is much harder than that of the Negroes in the West-
India islands. Upon this ground, the opposers of
slavery are willing to meet its advocates, and the
design of the following extracts is to enable the pub-
lic to form an impartial and decisive judgment on the
subject.
WHEN a ship arrives at the port in the West-In-
dies, the slaves are exposed to sale, (except those
who are very ill, they being left in the yard to perish
by disease or hunger.) The healthy are disposed of
by public auction, the sickly by scramble. The sale
by scramble is thus described; the ship being dark-
ened by sails, the purchasers are admitted, who,
rushing forward with the ferocity of brutes, seize as
many slaves as they have occasion for. In none of
the sales, is any care taken to prevent the separation
of relatives or friends; but husbands and wives, pa-
rents and children, are parted with as little con-
cern as sheep and lambs by the butcher. Abstract
of the evidence, as laid before a committee of the
British parliament, page 46 and 47.
With respect to the general treatment of the slaves,
Mr. Woolrich says, that he never knew the best mas-
ter in the West-Indies use his slaves so well, as the
worst master his servants in England. Abstract of
the evidence, see page 53.
To come to a more particular description of their
treatment, it will be proper to divide them into dif-
ferent classes: the first consisting of those bought
for the use of the plantations: the second of the in
and out-door slaves.
The field slaves are called out by daylight to their
work: if they are not out in time, they are flogged.
When put to their work, they perform it in rows, and,
without exception, under the whip of drivers, a cer-
tain number of whom are allotted to each gang.
Such is the mode of their labour: as to the time of it,
they begin at daylight, and continue with two inter-
missions (one for half an hour in the morning, the
other for two hours at noon) till sunset. Besides
this, they are expected to range about and pick grass
for the cattle, either during their two hours rest at
noon, or after the fatigues of the day.
Sir G. Young adds, that women were, in general,
considered to miscarry, from the cruel treatment they
met with: and Captain Hall says, that he has seen a
woman seated to give suck to her child, roused from
that situation by a severe blow from the cart-whip.
Abstract of the evidence, see pages 53, 54, 55.
The above account of their labour is confined to
that season of the year which is termed out of crop.
In the crop season, the labour is of much longer
duration. Mr. Dalrymple says, they are obliged to
work as long as they can, that is, as long as they can
keep awake or stand. Sometimes, through excess of
fatigue, they fall asleep, when it has happened to
those who feed the mills, that their arms have been
caught therein and torn off. Mr. Cook, on the same
subject, states, that they work, in general, eighteen
hours out of the twenty-four: he knew a girl lose
her hand by the mill while feeding it, being over-
come with sleep, she dropped against the rollers.
Abstract of the evidence, page 55, 56.
To this account of their labour, it should be add-
ed, that it appears, that on some estates, the slaves
have Sunday and Saturday afternoon to themselves;
on others, Sunday only, and on others, only Sunday in
part. It appears again, that in crop, on no estate have
they more than Sunday for the cultivation of their
own lands. Abstract of the evidence, page 56.
The point next to be considered is the food of the
slaves, which appears to be subject to no rule: on
some estates, they are allowed land; on others, provis-
ions; and some are allowed provisions and land
jointly. The best allowance is at Barbadoes, of which
the following is the account. The slaves, in gen-
eral, says Gen. Tottenham, appeared to be ill fed:
each slave had one pint of grain for 24 hours, and
sometimes, half a rotten herring. When the herrings
were unfit for the whites, they were bought up for
the slaves. Nine pints of corn, and one pound of
salt-fish a week, are, in general, the utmost allowance
As a proof that some have not food enough, Mr. Cook
says, that he has known both Africans and Creoles
eat the putrid carcasses of animals through want. Ab-
stract of the evidence, page 57 and 58.
As to the accusation of their being thieves, all the
evidences maintain, that it was on account of their
being half starved. Abstract of the evidence, p. 58.
Concerning the property of the field-slaves, all the
evidences agree in asserting, that they never heard of
a field-slave amassing such a sum as enabled him to
purchase his freedom. Abstract of the evidence,
page 60.
Having now described the state of the plantation,
it will be proper to say a few words on that of the in
and out-door slaves.
The in-door slaves are allowed to be better cloth-
ed and fed, and less worked, than the plantation;
on account, however, of being constantly exposed to
the cruelty and caprice of their masters and mis-
tresses, their lives are rendered so wretched, that
they not unfrequently wish to be sent to the field:
the out-door slaves are porters, coopers, &c. who are
obliged to bring to their masters a certain sum every
day.
The ordinary punishment of the slaves are inflict-
ed by the whip and cow-skin. This, says Mr. Wool-
rich, is generally made of plaited cow-skin, with a
thick strong lash, it is so formidable an instrument,
that some of the overseers can by means of it take
skin off a horse's back, he has seen them lay the marks
of it into a deal board: the incisions (according to Dr.
Harrison and the Dean of Middleham) are some-
times so deep that you may lay your finger into the
wounds, and are such as no time can erase. As a
farther proof of the severity of the punishments, the
following facts are adduced. Mr. Fitzmaurice has
known pregnant women so severely whipped, as
to have miscarried in consequence of it. Davidson
knew a negro girl die of a mortification of her
wounds two days after whipping. Dr. Jackson re-
collects a negro dying under the lash, or soon after.
Abstract of the evidence, see page 66 and 67.
We now proceed to the extraordinary punishments,
in the infliction of which, malice, fury, and all the
worst passions of the human mind, rage with un-
bridled license. Benevolence recoils at the dreadful
perspective, and can scarce collect composure to
disclose the bloody catalogue.
Captain Rap has known slaves severely punished,
then put into the stocks, a cattle chain of sixty or
seventy pounds weight put on them, and a large
collar round their necks, and a weight of fifty-six
pounds fastened to the chain, when they were driv-
en afield: the collars are formed with two, three,
or four projections, which hinder them from lying
down to sleep.
A negro man, in Jamaica, (says Dr. Harrison) was
put on the picket so long, as to cause a mortification
of his foot and hand, on suspicion of robbing his
master, a public officer, of a sum of money, which
it afterwards appeared the master had taken himself.
Yet the master was privy to the punishment, and the
slave had no compensation. Abstract of the evi-
dence, page 69.
Mr. Fitzmaurice mentions the practice of drop-
ping hot lead upon the slaves, which he saw per-
formed by a planter of the name of Rushie in Ja-
maica, this same man, in three years, destroyed by
severity forty negroes out of sixty. The rest of the
conduct of this planter was suppressed by the house
of commons, as containing circumstances too horrible
to be given to the world.
An overseer on the estate where Mr. J. Turry was,
in Granada, threw a slave into the boiling cane juice,
who died in four days.
Captain Cook relates, that he saw a woman named
Rachel Lauder, beat a slave most unmercifully, and
would have murdered her, had she not been prevent-
ed; the girl's crime was, the not bringing money
enough from on board of a ship, whither she had been
sent by her mistress, for the purpose of prostitution.
Lieutenant Davidson relates, that the wife of the
clergyman at Port-Royal, used to drop hot sealing-
wax on her negroes after flogging; he was sent for
as surgeon to one of them whose breast was terribly
burnt.
If it should be asked, for what offences the punish-
ments cited have taken place, the following answer
may be given:
Under the head of ordinary punishments, the
slaves appear to have suffered for not coming to the
field in time, not picking a sufficient quantity of
grass, for staying too long of an errand, and theft,
to which they were often driven by hunger.
Under the head of extraordinary punishments, the
following have been alleged as reasons: for run-
ning away, for breaking a plate, or to extort con-
fession in the moments of passion, and one on a dia-
bolical pretence, which the master held out to the
world to conceal his own villainy, and which he knew
to be false. Women punish their slaves for being
found pregnant, for not bringing home the full wages
of prostitution, and others, without even the allegation
of a fault.
All the facts that have been now adduced are of
unquestionable authority, having been extracted from
the evidence laid before the house of commons by
eye-witnesses of the facts. Let now every honest
man lay his hand on his breast, and seriously reflect,
whether he is justifiable in countenancing such bar-
barities; or whether he ought not to reject, with
horror, the smallest participation in such infernal
transactions. To the weaker sex, whose amiable
characteristic it is, to be "tremblingly alive" to
every tale of wo, the friends of the abolition return
their warmest acknowledgments, for the zeal with
which many of them have espoused the cause of hu-
manity, and for the noble example they have shewn,
in rejecting the produce of slavery and misery.
PRINTED AND SOLD BY SAMUEL WOOD, NO. 362, PEARL-STREET.
Cheap Repository.
The SORROWS of YAMBA ;
Or, The Negro Woman's Lamentation.
To the Tune of Hosier's Ghost
"IN St. Lucie's distant Isle,
"Still with Afric's love I burn ;
"Parted many a thousand mile,
"Never, never to return.
"Come, kind death! and give me rest,
"Yamba has no friend but thee;
"Thou can'st ease my throbbing breast,
"Thou can'st set the Prisoner free.
"Down my cheeks the tears are dripping,
"Broken is my heart with grief;
"Mangled my poor flesh with whipping,
"Come kind death! and bring relief.
"Born on Afric's Golden Coast,
"Once I was as blest as you;
"Parents tender I could boast,
"Husband dear, and children too.
"Whity Man he came from far,
"Sailing o'er the briny flood,
"Who, with help of British Tar,
"Buys up human flesh and blood.
"With the Baby at my breast,
"(Other two were sleeping by)
"In my Hut I sat at rest,
"With no thought of danger nigh,
"From the bush at even tide
"Rush'd the fierce man-stealing Crew;
"Seiz'd the Children by my side,
"Seiz'd the wretched Yamba too.
"Then for love of filthy Gold,
"Strait they bore me to the sea;
"Cramm'd me down a Slave-ship's hold,
"Where were Hundreds stow'd like me.
"Naked on the platform lying,
"Now we cross the tumbling wave;
"Shrieking, sickening, fainting, dying,
"Deed of shame for Britons brave.
"At the savage Captain's beck,
"Now like Brutes they make us prance;
"Smack the Cat about the Deck,
"And in scorn they bid us dance.
"I in groaning pass'd the night,
"And did roll my aching head;
"At the break of morning light,
"My poor Child was cold and dead.
"Happy, happy, there she lies!
"Thou shalt feel the lash no more.
"Thus full many a Negro dies,
"Ere we reach the destin'd shore."
"Driven like Cattle to a fair,
"See they sell us young and old;
"Child from Mother too they tear,
"All for love of filthy Gold.
"I was sold to Massa hard,
"Some have Massas kind and good;
"And again my back was scarr'd,
"Bad and stinted was my food.
"Poor and wounded, faint and sick,
"All expos'd to burning sky,
"Massa bids me grass to pick,
"And I now am near to die.
What and if to death he send me,
"Savage murder tho' it be,
"British Laws shall ne'er befriend me;
"They protect not Slaves like me!"
Mourning thus my wretched state,
(Ne'er may I forget the day)
Once in dusk of evening late,
Far from home I dared to stray;
Dared, alas! with impious haste,
Tow'rds the roaring sea to fly;
Death itself I long'd to taste,
Long'd to cast me in and Die.
There I met upon the Strand
English Missionary Good,
He had Bible book in hand,
Which poor me no understood.
Then he led me to his Cot,
Sooth'd and pity'd all my woe;
Told me 'twas the Christian's lot
Much to suffer here below.
Told me then of God's dear Son,
(Strange and wond'rous is the story;)
What sad wrong to him was done,
Tho' he was the Lord of Glory.
Freely he his mercy proffer'd;
And to Sinners he was sent:
E'en to Massa pardon's offer'd:
O if Massa would repent!
Wicked deed full many a time
Sinful Yamba too hath done;
But she wails to God her crime;
But she trusts his only Son.
O ye slaves whom Massas beat,
Ye are stained with guilt within
As ye hope for mercy sweet,
So forgive your Massas' Sin.
And with grief when sinking low,
Mark the Road that Yamba trod;
Think how all her pain and woe
Brought the Captive home to God.
Now let Yamba too adore
Gracious Heaven's mysterious Plan;
Now I'll count thy mercies o'er,
Flowing thro' the guilt of man.
Now I'll bless my cruel capture,
(Hence I've known a Saviour's name)
'Till my Grief is turn'd to Rapture,
And I half forget the blame.
But tho' here a Convert rare
Thanks her God for Grace divine,
Let not man the glory share,
Sinner, still the guilt is thine.
Duly now baptiz'd am I
By good Missionary Man:
Lord my nature purify
As no outward water can!
All my former thoughts abhorr'd,
Teach me now to pray and praise;
Joy and glory in my Lord,
Trust and serve him all my days.
But tho' death this hour may find me,
Still with Afric's love I burn,
(There I've left a spouse behind me)
Still to native land I turn.
And when Yamba sinks in death,
This my latest prayer shall be,
While I yield my parting breath,
O that Afric might be free.
Cease, ye British Sons of murder!
Cease from forging Afric's Chain;
Mock your Saviour's name no further,
Cease your savage lust of gain.
Ye that boast "Ye rule the waves,"
Bid no Slave Ship soil the sea,
Ye that "never will be slaves,"
Bid poor Afric's land be free.
Where ye gave to war it's birth,
Where your traders fix'd their den,
There go publish "Peace on Earth,"
Go proclaim "good will to men."
Where ye once have carried slaughter,
Vice, and Slavery, and Sin;
Seiz'd on Husband, Wife, and Daughter,
Let the Gospel enter in.
Thus where Yamba's native home,
Humble Hut of Rushes stood,
Oh if there should chance to roam
Some dear Missionary good,
Thou in Afric's distant land,
Still shalt see the man I love;
Join him to the Christian band,
Guide his Soul to Realms above.
There no Fiend again shall sever
Those whom God hath join'd and blest:
There they dwell with Him for ever,
There "the weary are at rest."
Entered at Stationers Hall.]
Sold by J. MARSHALL,
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Aldermary Church-Yard, and R. WHITE, Piccadilly, LONDON.
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PRIZE GOODS EXAMINED
THE name prize goods is mostly given to goods taken on the seas, by armed vessels of nations at war with each other ; and sold by the captors. Some conscientious people refuse to purchase such goods, because the real owners do not receive the pay ; and because it would be encouraging robbery and murder ; also, becoming parties therein. All goods taken from the real owners, either by fraud or force, are prize goods, whether it be on sea or on land. All who purchase such goods (knowing them to be prize) are parties in the business, giving it count-tenance and substantial support. The persons employed as captors of the human species, who drag the Africans from their homes, and carry them to another country for sale, are guilty of the highest grade of felony ; and the captives so taken, are the highest grade of prize goods. To seize on a man's whole property and make prize of it, is certainly a high act of felony ; but to seize on the man himself, and make prize of him, is still higher. The captive being deprived of his liberty and all the natural rights of man, is compelled to hard labour, by his captor or purchaser : all the proceeds of his labour is taken from him, which is strictly prize goods. The slave being prize goods, his labour is prize goods also. he was made a slave for the sake of the proceeds of his labour, therefore the product of his labour is amongst the highest grade of prize goods. The purchaser of the goods is a party in the slave trade ; his money goes to the West-India planter, and from him to the Guinea merchant. Thus, countenancing and supporting each other, linked together as in a chain, the whole business is pushed on with vigor. The greater the demand is for the produce, the greater is the demand for slaves. The connexion between the slave trade, and the produce of the slaves' labor, is like the connexion between the tree and its fruit, or the root and the branch "If the root be holy, so are the branches." So also if the root be accursed, so are the branches. The root of the slave trade is avarice and luxury : and the trade in the produce of the slaves' labour is supported from the same root, avarice in the merchant, and luxury in the consumer.
Vessels are sometimes taken on the seas laden with the manufactures of Europe, where every one concerned in manufacturing the cargo, has been paid for his labour, and the vessel taken without the loss of any lives ; yet many would refuse to purchase goods so obtained, who would not hesitate to purchase goods extorted from slaves in the West-Indies by violence, injustice, cruelty and bloodshed ; which carries with it a resemblance of straining at a gnat and swallowing a camel.
There is but right and wrong, good and evil in the world, yet their grades are many. To refuse purchasing acknowledged prize goods, is to refuse being a party in violence and injustice ; also, to bear a testimony against it. Where are cruelty and injustice carried to the same extent that they are in the slave trade? Where is the testimony, that the purchasers and consumers of the fruit of slavery, do bear against it? To answer in truth, we must say, they are all parties in the business and their testimony is for it. The beginners of the slave trade are the merchants who send their ships to Africa, to carry them across the ocean ; and the finishers, are the consumers of their labour ; they are the Alpha and the Omega of the business. The people employed in the Guinea ships, who drag them from their homes, the planters in the islands who purchase them, the merchants who import the produce of the slaves' labour, the retailers and consumers thereof, are all accessaries in the business : they all assist in turning a wheel in that vast and complicated machine of iniquity. This great engine of destruction, is formed of the parts above described ; they are the machine, and contain in themselves the cause of its motion ; they constitute a complete whole. Take from it the consumers, and the whole machine must stop.
The merchant will not import an article for which there is no demand : the slave holder in the islands, will have no disposition to buy slaves, when the fruits of their labour will not sell. The Guinea ships will cease to haunt the coast of Africa in quest of slaves, when there is no demand for them in the islands. Then that fountain of human blood which hath been flowing in Africa so long, would be dried up ; and the carnage and misery attending the traffic in human flesh would cease.
This great fountain of human blood, that hath been flowing on the continent of Africa for ages, whose streams have stained the shores of America, and the West Indies ; is kept in motion, and supported by the consumers of the proceeds of slavery. They are the subscribers that furnish the fund by which the whole business is carried on. A merchant who loads his vessel in the West-Indies with the produce of slavery, does nearly as much at helping forward the slave trade, as him that loads his vessel in Africa with slaves ; they are both twisting the same rope at different ends.
The feasts of the luxurious may be called banquets of human flesh and blood ; and the partakers thereof considered as cannibals, devour-ing their own species ; if we take into consideration the great destruction in Africa, by the warfare carried on in taking slaves ; secondly, in transporting them to the islands in the Guinea ships ; and lastly, in seasoning them ; which is seasoning them to cruel whipping, hunger, and hard labour, which they undergo in the culture of the cane, and the manufacture of sugar, where they are in a few years destroyed.
I believe the whole weight of human beings that have been destroyed in the slave trade, in the cultivation of the cane, and making sugar, would equal one half of the weight of all the sugar that ever came from the West Indies : and may be fairly charged to its account.
How is this vast destruction of the rational creation of God, to be accounted for, to him whose justice is infinite ; who will not behold iniquity with approbation? On whom will the guilt of this great sacrifice to avarice and luxury fall? Certainly on the whole copartnership, who are parties in the business.
Having demonstrated that the West-India produce is prize goods, and the sale of those goods to be the support of the slave trade, and of consequence the purchasers to be parties in the business ; it may not be amiss to observe, that the receiver of stolen goods is said to be equal to the thief. It is something paradoxical that a man will refuse to buy a stolen sheep, or to eat a piece of one that is stolen, and should not have the same scruples respecting a stolen man.
The apostle Paul, in endeavouring to remove the strong Jewish prejudices for the Mosaic Law, said, "Whatsoever is sold in the sham-bles that eat, asking no questions for conscience sake." 1 Cor. x. 25. But that was relative to clean and unclean beasts ; and their manner of killing them ; I have a much better opinion of Paul, than to believe he meant any thing stolen, or taken by robbery and violence from its right owner.
If any one, after having fully considered the slave trade, the manner of their treatment in the West-Indies; and the manner in which the produce of their labour is obtained ; if he feel no doubts about partaking thereof, any more than he would about any thing obtained by the strictest honesty, then I have nothing to say to him ; but if he is fearful and feels doubts that all is not right, I will put him in mind of what Paul says : "He that doubteth is damned if he eat, because he eateth not of faith ; for whatsoever is not of faith is sin."
THIRD CONGRESS
OF THE
UNITED STATES :
AT THE FIRST SESSION,
Begun and held at the City of Philadelphia, in the state of Pennsylvania
on Monday, the second of December, one thousand seven
hundred and ninety-three.
An ACT to prohibit the carrying on the Slave-trade from the United States to any
foreign place or country.
Sec. 1. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United
States of America, in Congress assembled, That no citizen or citizens
of the United States, or foreigner, or any other person coming into, or residing
within the same, shall, for himself or any other person whatsoever, either as
master, factor or owner, build, fit, equip, load or otherwise prepare any ship
or vessel, within any port or place of the said United States, nor shall cause any
ship or vessel to sail from any port or place within the same, for the purpose of
carrying on any trade or traffic in slaves, to any foreign country ; or for the
purpose of procuring, from any foreign kingdom, place or country, the inha-
bitants of such kingdom, place or country, to be transported to any foreign
country, port or place whatever, to be sold or disposed of, as slaves : And if
any ship or vessel shall be so fitted out, as aforesaid, for the said purposes, or
shall be caused to sail, so as aforesaid, every such ship or vessel, her tackle
furniture, apparel and other appurtenances, shall be forfeited to the United
States ; and shall be liable to be seized, prosecuted and condemned, in any
of the circuit courts or district court for the district, where the said ship or
vessel may be found and seized.
Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That all and every person, so building
fitting out, equipping, loading, or otherwise preparing, or sending away,
any ship or vessel, knowing, or intending, that the same shall be employed
in such trade or business, contrary to the true intent and meaning of this act,
or any ways aiding or abetting therein, shall severally forfeit and pay the sum
of two thousand dollars, one moiety thereof, to the use of the United States,
and the other moiety thereof, to the use of him or her, who shall sue for and
prosecute the same.
Sec. 3. And be it further enacted, That the owner, master or factor of each
and every foreign ship or vessel, clearing out for any of the coasts or king-
doms of Africa, or suspected to be intended for the slave-trade, and the suspi-
cion being declared to the officer of the customs, by any citizen, on oath or
affirmation, and such information being to the satisfaction of the said officer,
shall first give bond with sufficient sureties, to the Treasurer of the United
States, that none of the natives of Africa, or any other foreign country or
place, shall be taken on board the said ship or vessel, to be transported, or
sold as slaves, in any other foreign port or place whatever, within nine
months thereafter.
Sec. 4. And be it further enacted, That if any citizen or citizens of the
United States shall, contrary to the true intent and meaning of this act, take
on board, receive or transport any such persons, as above described, in this
act, for the purpose of selling them as slaves, as aforesaid, he or they shall
forfeit and pay, for each and every person, so received on board, transported
or sold as aforesaid, the sum of two hundred dollars, to be recovered in any
court of the United States propert to try the same : the one moiety thereof,
to the use of the United States, and the other moiety to the use of such per-
son or persons, who shall sue for and prosecute the same.
FREDERICK AUGUSTUS MUHLENBERG,
Speaker of the House of Representatives.
JOHN ADAMS
Vice-President of the United States,
and President of the Senate.
APPROVED - March the twenty-second 1794.
Go : WASHINGTON, President of the United States.
St. Thomas Novr. 10th 1801
Wm. E. Green Esqr.
You may be supprised [sic] to find
a letter dated from this place but more so on seeing
from whome it comes. I am now in that part of
the world which was thot to be totally uninhabited
by the ancients and not only so but under the
tropicks it was thot impossible for man to subsist.
I assure you I cannot express my fealings on first
landing in this Island every face bore such horid
looks compared with what had ever come under
my observation before that had I not the strong-
est nerves in the world I shold have been in an-
other world for fear of being there. I shall take the
liberty to give you a short description of the Isla-
nd: at least that part of it which I have seen.
St. Thomas is a small Island in the Carabian Sea
about Thirty miles in length from E. to W. it
contains Six thousand inhabitants of all Cullers
the situation of the only Town or City is peculiarly
unhealthy at all seasons it Contains Three
Three thousand dweling houses and Stores it is surround
ed with high mountains except at the mouth of
the harbour or inlett [sic] which is quite narrow. I
cannot give you a better idea than what you
may have from this simile. Picture to yourself
the lower part of Providence towards India point
and a small harbour before it and on the
back side mountains whose tops are almost always
hid in Clouds you will then have a faint Idea
of this place. The houses are small without any
Glass or Chimneys and principally built of wood
not any of them more than two story high with-
out paint and of a dirty appearance. The inhabit-
ants are from every Country in the world not except
-ing New England and the country that produces
most scoundrels is that which furnishes the most
Colonists to the Danes. You may here find a hundred
men which will for the paltry sum of five Joes
swear any oath that should be required of them.
The reason I mention five Joes as the sum is be-
cause this is the extent of their demand in such
cases and when I tell you that our American
Citizens are the principal employers of those wretches
you will hardly believe me. The principal trade is
carryed on by Americans under Danish Cullers as
by the Laws of the U. States the slave trade is probhib-
ited which is the only trade from this place except
to the Spanish Main. The Americans come to this
Island and take out a set of Papers by means of
those poor wretches who I have before mentioned
who go forward to the Customhouse and clear
out the Vessel as Danish property he who does
the business gits a small fee and is obliged
to live on that until another opportunity offers
to purger himself again, in this manner is
avoided that humane act of the U. States to prevent
the enslaving of the poor unfortunate Africans
In this place there is Six (perhaps ten) Blacks to
one White yet through the ignorance and fatal
stupor in which the poor wretches are cept they
are not a bit remooved from the Broot creation in
point of treatment by the Whites in America
at least as far South as N. York the Blacks are
princes compared with them here. I have often
Heard of the manner in which they were treated
but must say the cruelty which is exercised to-
wards them is more than I had any conception
it was possable that a human being could bear
I am every day visiting the most celebrated
places of resort in the Country and making
my observations on every Tree & Plant which strikes
my eye with novelty but fearing to be thought
inquisitive, a thing which I hate in an other, I
am not able to make all those inquireys [sic] which
are necessary to give you any propper discription
of them. I am situated in the most pleasant
part of the town and enjoy the best air which
can be had yet the perspiration is constantly poor
-ing from me and having nuthing but Cistern
or rain water to drink I find myself rather loos-
ing flesh and was it not for my good sperits I
should have been sick once or twice already
but this is a digression. The Trees most common
in this place are the Cocoa nut the Tamarind
and the Guava. The Cocoa Nut Tree is most
beautifull it grows about forty to fifty feet
high perfectly strait within about ten feet of the
top the leaves or lims put out when the tree
is small or untill the nuts begin to grow which
is about ten years the lims or leaves fall as the
tree grows in height until it arrives to perfection
the Bark is nearly of the culler of the Birch-
thorn. The leave or lims as I cannot [1 word illegible]them
are truly eligent they grow from the tree in
Circles horizontally and from the trunk to the
end they are ten or twelve feet and grow like
locust leaves not in shape but order the leaves
are shaped like flags tapering from the center
to the points. The fruit or nuts grow from the trunk
in large Bunches beginning where the first
sets on and tapering one bunch after an-
other to the top you will laugh at my being
so particular but when I tell you that after
this discription you cannot scarcely conceive of
the beauty of this Tropical Tree. The Tamarind
Tree is large and eligent and had it any small
thorns I should say no more than that it must
be a species of Locust the leaf exactly resembles
that tree and the pod is not the least different
in shape and size from the honey Locust.
The size of the trees in this country is smaller
than in America. The Guava Tree is small
the trunk in form resembles the stock of a
Cabbage they never grow more than Twenty
feet high and about six inches over, the leaf
is like the Coffee Bean from this tree is taken
allmost all the fruit which is sent preserved
to America they are very prolific and like
man but short lived. I shall send home some
of the gelly which you will be supprised to
taist. it is as far before any thing of this kind
we have in America as that country is
before this. The Fruit although a great luxury
to the natives is very insipid to Foreigners
The low lands as we call them but savannahs
as thay are called by us West Indians are all
covered with the sensative plant and it is
impossible for them to ever eradicate it as
the least fibre left in the earth will spring
up and soon cover a large Feald.
I suppose I have grown tedious in dweling on
subjects so opposite to your profession but I
have long since finished my business at this
Island and only wait a passage to Mar-
tinico where I shall find trash sufficient
to spoil a few sheats more. I can do nothing
but stair and write and the former I am
sure you are well convinced I have done
enough of and the latter I am not yet done
with. I will now discribe a plantation
to you as near as three days acquaintance
with an old Planter will enable me with
the knowledge I have gain’d from [1 word illegible]
demonstration in the same time. This plan-
tation is worked by Ninety Blacks it pro-
duces Cane which produces sugar & Rum
There is now under cultivation one hundred
acres of cane which is planted about half as
far apart as we generally plant corn
instead of hills it is in ditches or drains
where all the water can settle (for want
of which planters are often beggard) and
the plants stand much thicker than we let
Corn, in this plantation they make two
Crops Annually from the same ground.
The planters whose dependance is on his crop
and should one fail he is obliged to pinch
his poor Negroes from a Mackrel a day
to half of one and a sea bisket. You have
no Idea of the manner these poor mis-
erable creatures work early and late to
support an idle drunken master who
neather has pity for their misery nor
thanks for their services. The Cane will
on this Plantation make seven hun-
dred Hhds. of Sugar and half as many pun-
cheons of rum. I am sure was it not
that I should be thought singular I
would never taist sugar or rum more
as it is the very Blood of the Africans
in the strictest sense of the word. On
every plantation they have small huts built
of small sticks and stuck together with clay in
which every insect which is disagreeable is sure to
conceal it self and in the knight sally out upon
the poor weary labourer. When one of the negroes
becomes sick he is immediately sent into quarters
to receive the advice of the Doctor as he is call’d but
he generally speaking is a man who knows nothing
about Physic more than simples. This man generally
is a relation of the Planter and will do every kind
of drudgery to curry favor having common-
ly his earnings to himself he then looks into the
Billiard room and often leaves it by drawing an
order for a large amot. on his planter. You may
think the sick is well attended but to the contrary
This man visits sick quarters every day and leaves
some medicine but the ignorence of the poor
unfortunate African will not allow him to know
what is necessary and not having any one to
administer relief to them they linger out a
most miserable existance through ignorence on
their part and unpardonable neglect on the
part of these breakers of Mankind. The Negroes
have cause to commit sueside every day but to
the want of despiration add the hope which
they have of returning to the East again. I have
seen more solemnity in this place in worship
than I ever saw and I really think the thing
is worth relating. I observed to my old instructer
the Planter that one of the blacks had a coun-
tinance above his condition at the same time
pointing out poor, June, yes replyed the old
fellow he is the damdest heritick I ever saw
and he is the only man on my works which will
not be Baptised he will have his times of worship
and the lash will not beat out of his head the
worship of Allah, I asked the old man where he
proformed his worship, he on his return to the
house stop’d at the place. You may judge my
astonishment at seeing the place of worship
of an old monarch of the East only covered
with some thatch and the inside made of
stones laid in a singular manner. The door
was arched and a regular assent for three
feet was made by plaising small stones in
the form of pavements until it reached the
back part which was seven feet there was
placed a square stone facing the East on which
was cut some carrectors which appeared to be ar-
rabick at the foot of the stone was several pie-
ces of old dark parchment covered with letters
in the same language. Here every day at the
riseing and going down of the sun this old
June came to worship. His face had something
in it which spoke better times than slavery
and could he have spoke my language I would
have had a conversation with him and used
my exertions to have made him more happy. At
eavening I attended at his place of service and
he soon arrived on his going into the place
he fell on his face and remained in that
poster for some moments he then steped for-
ward to his altar or table of commandments
and there red aloud in a singular tone of
voice with his finger following from place
to place on the stone as I supposed all that
was wrote on it. he then took up one piece
of the parchment after an other and red
making singular jestures. I observed he never
once turned his face from the East during all
the time of reading. His beard appeared to have
never been cut but lay smooth on his face. he
wept constantly from the time of falling
down and seeing the poor wretch so affected
I could not refrain from joining in simpathy
(although my fealings are hard of movement)
The old Planter said he should soon sell him
as he could not be trobled with his d----d odd
way. But he said the man was too knowing
for a slave and that at the Havanna they
would make him a Cristion immediately
where he ment to send him. The planter prom-
ised to give me some of his writing which he
said he had in the house but by some means
had got mislaid. I am well aware of my
unhappy way of expressing my ideas in dis-
criptive writing but know you will pardon
me where bad expressions crept in on any
occasion. I shall now give you a short dis -
cription of two old castles which have
been here for more than one hundred years
they were built By Blackbeard the most famous
pirot the British nation had produced in those times
you certainly have red of the Buckanneers who was
the terror of all the Spanish Colonies in America
They were not only in a manner governed by Black
beard but generally led on by him to action. They twice
took the City of Carthagena and not only plundered it but
Luguira they almost distroyed. They then retired to
this Island where they were determined to share
the plunder and defend themselves by fortifying
the high mountains at the foot of the Harbour
The Building which I examined was about
sixty feet high of a circular form the walls, four
feet thick of a very strong kind of stone scemented
together by a marine substance five different stories
high and covered with an arch, in each
story is fiftein portholes large enough to admit a
swivel. Although these buildings have stood as appears
by some old Books found in them more than one
hundred & fifty four years yet they are quite
strong and the wood (which is of a kind not
known in America called Iron wood) is as
perfectly sound as when first put in. The only
enterance is about Ten feet from the ground.
The walls being covered with a smooth plaster
renders it difficult to explore it. How happy would
it be for the good Citizens of the United States
to have all the pirots in these Islands confined
within these walls. The Laws of this island
will not allow the Whites to mary into any family
of culler however there is more molattoes bred
than either whites or Blacks. The only thing I
can attibet it to is the great influx of for
eigners from Europe. this being a free port in
times of peace & war. There is but few men
who do not keep a woman for the time they
remain in the place. I am sorry to see so great
a difference cept up between the blacks & molats
as soon the time will arrive when all these
Islands must be in the possession of the people
of culler. I have living in the next room to me
a woman who has received an education far
superior to any of the white Ladies who I
have been introduced to. She was four years
at the famus school at Bethleham in Pensylvania
where she made every improvement which adorns
the human heart but being doom’d to live under
laws which in every eye must appear unjust &
unnatural and having the Common passions
of nature she has become the mistress of an English
Gentn. of fortune and is subject to the unpleasing
calumny of strangers who are not acquainted with
the cause from whence the eavil springs.
She is truly beautiful when compared with the
women which I have seen here and was it not for
the difference of culler which is hardly to be per-
ceived she would eclipse your unripened beauties
of the North. The pleasure with which I converce
with hir is heightened when I considder hir pres-
ent situation was not of hir own choosing but
put upon hir by a mother who although rich
has a heart as cold as the brest which contains
it. I am led to believe she is as strictly virtuous
as any marryed lady in the place. But she is
still subject to the caprice of the man who is
hir keeper for want of that solemn tye which
unstable man requires to keep him within due
bounds. I hope soon to have the pleasure
of seeing you as I beforementioned my having
compleated my mission in this Island and
only wait the want of a passage to Martinieo
where I shall be detained for some time. I
never felt the unpleasing want of Friends
more than in this place. I being a stranger
do not know who to confide in and of course
am obliged to be extreamly on my gard or
git into bad company. Every day I have
numberless invitations to the Biliard Tables
& Card partys but not being much acquainted
with either of those professions I chuse a walk to
the cuntry rather than the former. I have dined
out almost every day since my arrival but
have not fell in with the custom of the place
entirely which is to take more wine than is
necessary for the support of perspiration
You may expect to hear further from me when
I arrive at Martinieo until which I remain
your Brother
Meltiah Green
Walter Jones was a student at William and Mary with Thomas Jefferson. He graduated from the University of Edinburgh with an M.D. in 1769. Upon his return to Virginia, he practiced medicine and served in the House of Delegates during the Revolution. He was a delegate to the convention at Annapolis and served in the U.S. Congress from 1797 to 1799.
]]>Letter from Walter Jones to Robert Carter, III of Nomony Hall concerning the estate of William Flood (Jones' father-in-law), the public accounts incurred by the troops in Northumberland and rumors of a smallpox outbreak amongst Carter's slaves. Jones writes that the Flood estate is being administered by John S. Woodcock, deputy clerk or Northumberland, and James Knott.
Walter Jones was a student at William and Mary with Thomas Jefferson. He graduated from the University of Edinburgh with an M.D. in 1769. Upon his return to Virginia, he practiced medicine and served in the House of Delegates during the Revolution. He was a delegate to the convention at Annapolis and served in the U.S. Congress from 1797 to 1799.
Dear Sir,
Your Man calls on me after dark for an answer
to the Letter he delivered to me this Day. I am entirely unacquainted
with Templemans Claim, being not possessed of the Books or Papers
of the Estate. They are at present in the Hands of Mr. J. S. Woodcock,
Deputy Clerk of Northd., who with Mr. James Knott are employed
in executing the Business of Mr. Floods Estate. I shall take the first
Opportunity of enquiring into the matter, & shall think myself
happy in serving your Interest. in the Mean Time by applying
to either of those persons, you may be sooner satisfied of the state
of Templemans Claim.
You were kind enough to say, thay you had destined
Part of the money, due from the State, to the discharge of my Ballan[ce]
I shall be much in want of it very shortly, and as it will save you
trouble, to give me an order on Col.o. [1 word illegible] who I am told has the
Public Accounts incurred by the Troops in Northumberland. I shall
take leave to send to you for that Purpose this Week, if I should
be prevented, myself, from being at Nomony Hall, which is a Satis
-faction I have for some Time promised myself in vain.
I have been concerned at a report that the Small Pox had
broke out amongst some of your Negroes, but as you mention it not,
I willingly hope that ye report is groundless, I am Dr. Sr. with much respect
Yr. vy hl. Sevt.
W. Jones
To
The Honorable Robert Carter Esquire
Nomony-Hall
Doct. W. Jones
9th Novr 1776
Norfolk
County
James Nimmo attorney of our Sovereign Lord the King
who for our said Sovereign Lord the King comes into Court in
his proper person before his Majesties Justices of Oyer and –
Terminer & prays the Court aforsd to Understand and be Infor
med that Amy a negro woman Slave belonging to Mr. Jas. Holt
of the County of Norfolk the fear of God not having before her Eyes
but being Seduced and Instigated by the Devil on the 6th. Day of
Decber: 1751 at the parish of Elzbth River and County of Norfolk
at Twelve of the Clock in the Night of the Same day wth:
force and arms [?] the mansion house of a Certain Capt. John
Willoughby of the parish and County aforsd: did Break and enter
wth: Intent fulloniously to Steal the goods & Chattles of the
Said John then and there being (to wit) one hand Basket, Two
pair of thread Stockins 2 Muslin Handerchiffs, Two pair of
Womens Stockins, one Black hood Two Ocher Handerchiffs
one Towole[?], one pillow Case, one Sheet, Two yards New Linnen
three Linnen Handerchiffs, one Ocher Sheet, Two Ribbons Two
yards Cours Linnen, and three Balls of thread
a small Japan Box a piece of Courtain
in all of the Value of Ten pounds Currt money of Virga: the
proper goods and Chattles of the said Capt: John Willoughby
did fulloniously steal take and Carry away against the
Peace of our said Sovereign Lord the King now his Crown and dignitie &c.
James Nimmo
The King
vs
Negro
Know all men by these presents that I Richd. Jackman of Lincoln County in
the state of Virginia am held and firmly bound unto Richard Steel of the same
place in the Just and full sum of one hundred and forty pound Currant
and Lawfull money of Virginia to be paid unto him his heirs Exe or
Admrs or assigns which payment well and truly to be maid I bind
my self my self my Heirs Exe and Adms firmly by these presents
sealed with my seal and Dated this thirteenth Day of December ano.
Domoni one thousand seven hundred and Eighty Three
The Condition of the above obligation is such that If the above
Bound Richard Jackman shall pay and Deliver or Cause to be
Deliver’d unto the above named Richard Steel A likely Negro slave
not under the age of fifteen years nor over the age of twenty five
at or before the age of First Day of October next that then the above
obligation to be Void or Else Remain in Forse and Virtue sign’d
Seal’d and Deliver’d In presence of
Richd. Jackman Seal
Isaac Wilcox
Thomas Smith
I asigne over the within obligation to Robert Patterson
and ingag to make it good to the sd. Robt. Patterson
his hairs or asignes as witness my hand this 18 day
of December 1783
Richard Steel
Witness present
Andrw. Armstrong
Alex McConnall
Know all men by these presents, That we, Louisa Ross
& Davis Bowie are held and firmly bound unto
the Common Council of Alexandria, in the just and full sum of fifty dollars, current
money of the United States. To which payment, well and truly to be made, we bind
ourselves, our heirs, and administrators, firmly by these presents. Sealed
with our seals, and dated this 9 day of May 1822.
The condition of the obligation is such, That
whereas, by an act of the Common Council of Alexandria, entitled "An act to amend
an act entitled an act concerning slaves, free negroes and mulattoes, and for other
purposes," it is made the duty of the mayor to require from all free negroes, and
mulattoes, bonds, with good and sufficient security, in the sum of fifty dollars, condi-
tioned for their good, peaceable, and honest conduct, during their residence in the
aforesaid corporation. Now if the aforesaid Louisa Ross shall
conform to the requisitions of the said law, then the above obligation to be void, else
to remain in full force and virtue in law.
Given under our hands and seals, at Alexandria, this 9th day of
May 1822
Test,
Davis Bowie Louisa her mark Ross
Witness
J. H. Beoden Davis Bowie
Rounsavell & Pittman, Printers.
Bond
Louisa Ross
to
The Common
Council
1822
$50
Nov. 10th half after four p.m.
Dear Sir
Panton has this moment delivered me yours of this date re-
questing my attendance this forenoon in George Town, where he has
been since intrusted with it, he can best tell. It being now so late, before I
coud get my Horse out of the Commons the sun woud be set. I had
last week heard of the disturbence occasioned by the Patrols, I was in
hopes the Effects of it had been by this time done away. The late Events
at Richmond had occasioned the Governor to order the militia
to patrol different Quarters and if any improper Assemblage of
Blacks should be discovered to have them brought before a magistrate
or the commanding officer. This power in the hands of ignorant
and arbitrary Characters will be frequently abused. If my pre-
sence can be serviceable in the morning please to acquaint me
by the mornings stage and I will come up. It will not be con-
venient for me to go from thence to the Falls. I was plaguely
galled in my Ride to and from our Courthouse which is not
yet healed, not that is set to Rights I can’t ride as far as the
Falls. We seem to be extremely unfortunate, we hardly get
into a proper train before something turns up to disconcert
our measures.
I am Dear Sir Respectfully
your most obedt
Ja Rush
John Mason Esquire
George Town